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This is typically the case when we speak of the mediatization of politics, where politicians give up some of their autonomy in order to reach media exposure e.
Finally, we come to ritual dependence. This type of dependence is more difficult to delimit since it is based on the socio-cultural power of shared routines.
Rather, they can be seen as adaptations to social expectations, and the successively evolving cultural order of things.
These three types of media dependence constitute a hierarchical order of accentuated indispensability functional dependence being the most cohesive form.
In real-life settings they are often interwoven: Again, it is crucial to keep in mind that it is not the media as such that create these dependences, but the different social, cultural, economic, and political forces that ultimately define what media should be used for and in what ways, i.
This categorization has the advantage of cutting across the abovementioned approaches to mediatization, showing that the critical perspective enables us to explore overarching questions about how mediatization affects the constitution of power and domination in various realms of society.
Using Bourdieu in Critical Mediatization Research MedieKultur 58 for building a bridge between Bourdieusian field theory and mediatization research.
Within a particular field, one may identify media dependences that are of a functional, transactional, as well as ritual nature.
Media dependence and communicational doxa There have been relatively few attempts to elaborate Bourdieusian theory for understanding mediatization, and even fewer arguments as to the validity of mediatization as a concept that could add value to the Bourdieusian framework.
Rather, the media should be seen as conveyors of meta-capital that cuts across and contributes to the legitimation of more specialized fields.
This line of thinking has more recently and logically, I believe , led Couldry to integrate the notion of media meta-capital within a theory of mediatization.
As he argues, there are good reasons to conceive of mediatization as a meta-process that operates in non-linear and transversal ways, meaning that it exercises different kinds of influence within different fields, depending on how media meta-capital affects the circulation and legitimation of specific forms of capital.
His focus is on media-as-institutions i. Using Bourdieu in Critical Mediatization Research MedieKultur 58 son to the state, however, the media and thus mediatization , represent much more than such symbolic-institutional processes as world description, prescription and legitimation.
In particular, the media attain a material appearance in the lives of social agents, in the shape of continuously evolving technologies-as-properties that form the basis for, and amalgamate with, different kinds of social and cultural agency.
I will discuss mediatization in terms of the normalized and growing indispensability of media as cultural forms within the internal logics of fields, as well as their expansion into associated realms of social life Williams, Linking this to the critical perspective outlined above, I will assess how the integration of media within field-specific doxa, influences the dialectical relationship between autonomy and dependence at the profound level of everyday practice.
The concept of doxa can be traced to Husserlian phenomenological theory and its understanding of the lifeworld as an intersubjective realm of taken-for-grantedness see, e.
Doxa is the shared principles and norms of practice that keep communities together, making their members act in predictable ways that reproduce the order of the lifeworld.
Doxa is therefore a source of social security, granting a sense of belonging and placement as long as the individual adheres to the established order.
This relation of prereflexive acceptance of the world grounded in a fundamental belief in the immediacy of the structures of the Lebenswelt represents the ultimate form of conservatism.
Bourdieu and Wacquant, Using Bourdieu in Critical Mediatization Research MedieKultur 58 played out in everyday life, through the social sanctions that strike those who transcend the boundaries of what is acceptable, or through the unease felt by those who enter social arenas in which they do not belong.
Thus we discover that the autonomy acquired by artists, originally dependent for both the content and the form of their work, implied a submission to necessity: As soon as they want to fulfil a function other than that assigned to them by the field, i.
Autonomy only remains as long as agents put their belief into the ordered arbitrariness of doxa and continue to make investments in the field through conformist practice.
Illusio is the embodied sense of doing the right thing and being in the right place, thus grounding a tacit adherence to doxa. I will now return to the question of media and communication.
I therefore suggest that we think of communicational doxa as a sub-category of doxa that prescribes the ways in which social agents should communicate with one another, within and across fields, and with what media understood as the means of communication see Williams, He mentions the correction of accents when speaking to persons of higher rank, and the choosing of appropriate language in multi-lingual situations e.
Through these preliminary statements on communicational doxa, it is possible to bring forth a Bourdieusian understanding of mediatization. If we define mediatization as a metaprocess that comes to expression through the taken for granted indispensability of, and adaption to, technologies and institutions of mediation, the connection to communicational doxa is not far-fetched.
When media become integrated in doxa it means precisely that they enter the realm of taken for granted order and necessity. The ways in which agents relate to hands-on technological features as well as institutionalized media logics then seem natural and attuned with the general expectations of doxa.
The media are woven into the prescribed ways of doing things, which means that their meanings are also moulded through doxa. Rather, it seems natural precisely because social agents put their belief into doxa, that is, illusio, in order to maintain a sense of autonomy.
Doxa functions as a legitimation of media dependence under the auspices of granting further autonomy to those agents who consent with the communicational doxa of the field.
What we arrive at is a view of mediatization that is not restricted to the symbolic power of media institutions, but takes into account the materiality of media.
It brings into light what Silverstone famously called the double articulation of media see also Livingstone, I would even argue, in line with Hartmann , that we might speak of a triple articulation, meaning that media become part of communicational doxa in three different shapes see Jansson, , which can furthermore be linked to the above mentioned three levels of dependence.
Firstly, they are integrated as technics. In this form, the media therefore give rise to functional dependences. Secondly, media may become part of doxa as properties, that is, as classified and classifying symbolic markers that are seen as required possessions for expressing the identity of an institution or agent.
Here, we are able to identify socially and culturally constructed transactional dependences. Thirdly, the interweaving of media practices and doxa creates dependences through texture.
This means that media become an integrated part of the taken for granted material environment and temporal rhythms of everyday life, which normalize certain expectations of positionality and regularity with regards to media practices.
This is also where we reach the level of ritual dependence. This is the meaning I will ascribe to doxa as we now turn to the empirical part of this article.
Here, I will attempt to address a twofold question that has been left unanswered so far. It concerns how mediatization moulds and is moulded by doxa, and how these dynamics are related to the sense of autonomy among agents.
The aim of the project is to unveil the significance of media in general, and new media in particular, for maintaining social bonds with friends, family and other close relations under conditions of high mobility.
It means that the project investigates mobile class fractions within the dominant classes, i. Even though the prime focus is on close relationships, the data also cover questions related to the field in order to estimate how the logics of different fields spill over onto the realms of private life, to what extent, and what differences the media make in such processes.
In this article I draw on findings from the study of UN employees, based on interviews, discussions and observations I conducted in Geneva during two periods of fieldwork: The data include 14 interviews with highly skilled Scandinavian expatriates currently, or until recently, employed by international organizations based in Geneva: The majority of the informants are women aged between 35 and 50, whereas the total age-span ranges from approximately years.
Whilst these biases should be kept in mind, they are unlikely to have any significant implications for the principal and theoretical arguments I want to put forward in this article.
The interview recordings are between 50 and minutes long 75 minutes on average. In the following transcriptions, all informants are anonymous, and I have refrained from mentioning which organizations they work for.
Using Bourdieu in Critical Mediatization Research MedieKultur 58 A key point of departure is that I identify my interviewees as agents within a particular field.
The exact limits of the field are not possible to delineate based on the current sample, which also includes a few representatives of non-UN organizations.
However, this study, together with previous research Jansson, , b , suggests that it is reasonable to treat the international arena of development organizations, NGOs, and diplomatic institutions, as a rather distinct field that legitimates certain forms of competences and skills as capital and sanctions certain types of international backgrounds and trajectories.
Of particular importance, besides formal education and international degrees, are the experiences of working in a variety of international settings, and having acquired both an international network and competences of cultural adaptability through, for example, language and cultural skills ibid.
In the following, I make two inter-connected points. Firstly, I show that mediatization implicates a tacit adherence to the spatial and temporal expansion of doxa.
The affordances of mobile transmedia technologies reverberate with the doxic demands of mobility and availability, implying that doxa mixes with the time-spaces of private life.
Secondly, I argue that the adherence to these communicational demands becomes an unspoken precondition for further trajectories within the field, whereas the mastery of new media as such cannot be seen as a form of capital.
Mediatization and the osmotic expansion of doxa The limits of the field are situated at the point where the effects of the field cease. Bourdieu, in Bourdieu and Wacquant, Many of the directors, experts and technical officers that I have interviewed are used to an almost overwhelming amount of job-related emails, which cannot always be handled during regular working hours.
This is combined with implicit organizational expectations on their availability, including when formally off-duty. They also speak of an organizational culture where it is common to copy a large number of colleagues into email conversations, in order to ensure certain measures are being documented and seen by the right persons, and avoid the risk that anybody feels side-stepped.
Linn, who works as technical officer, explains: These types of normalized and routine procedures, established during the era of stationary computers, are part of communicational doxa and are today, somewhat paradoxically, reinforced by the spread of personal mobile technologies.
Smartphones in particular make it also possible to handle email flows when on the move or at home. In the organizations I have visited, however, only directors at higher levels are entitled to such technologies by their employer, which means that doxa has successively come to involve an implicit material demand on agents to appropriate and use personal technologies for carrying out work related communication.
Still, there are certain conditions that make the boundaries of professional life more permeable here than in most other parts of society. Most importantly, the geographically mobile nature of these professions and social trajectories, brings along a heightened ritual dependence on various means of interpersonal communication.
As Elliot and Urry note, digital devices come to work as a kind of mobile depository of emotion, which lower the social and emotional costs of travelling lifestyles.
Many of my informants point to this lowered techno-economic threshold as the single most important change regarding their working conditions during the last decade.
Peter, who works as a portfolio manager, describes how he nowadays uses his commuting time in Geneva for contacting friends in other parts of the world: Using Bourdieu in Critical Mediatization Research MedieKultur 58 This example highlights a sense of growing individual autonomy, a possibility to establish a genuinely glocal communicative space in the interstices of everyday textures, where media practices amalgamate with other routines.
Other informants tell similar stories, pinpointing a number of different channels and applications. This is also the point where potentially growing autonomy runs the risk of abolishing the barriers to work-related communication, leading to the integration of applications like WhatsApp as part of communicational doxa.
Whereas email and Skype are the predominant means of communication within the UN doxa, WhatsApp and other social media provide opportunities for extending the reach of doxa, and keeping agents in their place.
Leena describes a situation where her boss used WhatsApp for overcoming a spatio-temporal gap in communication: Rather, new media are entering the realm of communicational doxa through processes of social transaction, supported by other unspoken dictums of the UN doxa, notably the demand on being flexible, available and ready to move.
In effect, we may speak of mutual osmotic pressures between doxa and everyday processes of mediatization.
There are of course variations depending on organization and the position of agents. In general, however, the field of UN organizations is marked by adherence to the rules of more or less permanent mobility.
This regards both the demands on work-related travel that is associated with many positions, and the expectations on building professional biographies that include a certain mix of stationings around the world.
Along with these demands come certain functional requirements regarding the use of media technics. In other words, the rules of the game are such, that disobedience to communicational doxa and the questioning of certain means of communication always involves a risk, whereas the possession of private media devices per se does not count as capital.
Ruben, who is in his early 60s and works as an expert, used to travel a lot earlier in his career. During the s he travelled about days every year and visited 60 countries.
More recently, however, he has come to experience his life being more comfortable without travelling, and has not aimed for higher positions or new stationings.
Furthermore, the organization he works for does not provide the mobile technologies that he is expected to use. When I started travelling in travelling was much more pleasurable.
If I was away for two weeks I phoned the office perhaps once a week asking if everything was ok. But now, one is expected to do the same work while travelling as one would have done if still in the office.
He has thus actively sought out the limits of the field, at the price of losing a certain degree of autonomy as an agent, and diminishing his chances of gaining more capital which he is fully aware of after having worked many years within the field.
Similar tactics of resistance can be discerned among other informants, especially those who try to combine family life with a professional career.
Since these agents have not been in the field as long as Ruben, however, they do not express the same willingness to take risks.
Linn, for example, is actively trying to find alternatives to travelling, but without jeopardizing any opportunities for further advancement. The tactics of Linn and Ruben can be seen as heterodoxic agency, which might play a role in the long-term development of the field.
What is important to note here, however, is that these battles do not question the basic rules of the game. The fact remains that continuous mobility and the further gaining of international experience are the key resources of capital accumulation.
Media related skills and resources attain a ubiquitous status within these battles, continuously playing into the regimes of communicational doxa, but should be understood primarily as undercurrents that shape the material and symbolic conditions of these battles.
Conclusion In this article I have introduced a Bourdieusian approach to mediatization. I have argued that the Bourdieusian framework can make valuable contributions to a critical perspective on mediatization, one that moves beyond the divides between institutionalist, social-constructivist and materialist understandings of mediatization.
At the core of such a critical view, is a concern with how mediatization affects relations of autonomy and dependence. Using Bourdieu in Critical Mediatization Research MedieKultur 58 technologies and various institutionalized forms of mediation achieve the status of indispensable parts of, or conditions for, social practice.
The notion of communicational doxa, I argue, helps us understand how various forms of media dependence, and therefore limitations of autonomy, evolve as part of a much broader submission to social and cultural restraints.
These are the restraints that agents put their belief into, precisely because the maintenance of these structures is the prerequisite for being recognized as a member of the field.
I have also tried to illustrate how communicational doxa can be applied as an analytical concept for concrete studies of mediatization processes within social fields.
The findings from this analysis strongly reflect those from other studies of the trans mediatization of social life.
Still, these findings should at this stage be taken as a preliminary sketch of the field in question. The value attached to continuous geographical mobility within the doxa of UN organizations is a key condition that clearly shapes the ways in which mediatization unfolds in this study, giving shape to contextually specific relations of functional, transactional and ritual dependences.
In future studies we need to make comparisons between fields, and look more closely at the significance of various textural conditions within fields in order to further validate and refine the conceptual framework introduced here.
I want to end this article with an important epistemological point regarding the relationship between communicational doxa and the notion of media meta-capital Couldry, As Couldry argues, the idea of media meta-capital opens up avenues for linking mediatization to broader strands of social theory, especially regarding structural transformations within politics and economy, for example.
However, it is only when we account for the more mundane power of communicational doxa, the interplay between functional, transactional and ritual dependences, that we will be able to see how mediatization is socially realized and shaped through embodied practice.
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Self and Society in the Late Modern Age. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Technology and the Lifeworld: From Garden to Earth. The Domestication of Media and Technology pp.
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The empirical material is a survey study of university students at the Business Administration, Media and Communication Studies, Political Science and Philosophy departments at Södertörn University, Sweden.
Specific attention is paid to the webpages the students mention in the survey, and how these are distributed among the groups. By showing detailed information on these areas, the mechanisms of difference of digital media use are revealed.
Keywords Digital media use, Internet, acts of distinction, taste, Bourdieu, culture Introduction This article aims to understand digital media use as acts of distinction, and to explore the cultural mechanisms behind these distinctive acts.
Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 ; Kvasny, ; North et al. These studies have given us detailed information about how Internet use is related to democratic behaviours and engagement, and of the variety in how different groups with diverse economic and cultural capital use and relate to digital media.
Digital media use and preferences are not isolated from other cultural practices. Rather, they are interwoven in the wider context of everyday life.
Secondly, it does not regard online practices as distinctive acts in their own right, thus ignoring the significance of the Internet as a cultural and not just political sphere.
In this article, I explore the distinctive mechanisms of digital media use, analysing digital media use as a cultural practice among others.
Besides quantitatively revealing differences between user groups, I also dig deeper into the ways four groups of university students articulate their own use of digital media.
To understand the logic of practice of digital distinction, Sterne argues that: To understand digital media use as a distinctive cultural practice, and to adhere to a relational perspective on culture, I relate cultural practices and preferences online to those of user groups who are similar in terms of income, social class and background, their access to technologies, life situation and anticipated future, but who differ when it comes to cultural preferences and practices on a more general level.
The four groups compared are university students at Södertörn University, Sweden, studying at the Business Administration, Media and Communication Studies, Political Science and Philosophy departments.
My aim is to understand their distinctive mechanisms of digital media use by relating their digital 31 Stina Bengtsson Article: Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 practices, preferences and choices of online content to their wider cultural practices and preferences in everyday life.
The empirical research questions guiding the analysis are the following: How do they let online practices into their everyday lives and for what purposes do they use the Internet?
Which web sites do the students visit most often and how are preferences distributed among the student groups?
By presenting detailed information on these areas, we will see how the students act out the mechanisms of difference of digital media use.
Earlier research There are two main strands in the field of Bourdieusian studies of Internet use and online practices: In a similar study, Robinson has shown the relationship between access and non-access to digital media, habits of use, and in what ways users can benefit from these habits.
These questions have also been understood by focusing on family relationships and the importance of habitus in cultural reproduction Hollingworth et al.
In a diachronic comparison of Norwegian students from the years to a study which has many similarities with the research presented here , Gripsrud et al.
One of the most important insights from the above is the importance of relating Internet use to the wider spectrum of cultural practices, as also suggested by Sterne Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 preferences in particular, as a vantage point for an analysis of their acts of distinction in everyday life online.
It is a cluster of continuous but still changeable dispositions Bourdieu, ,p. Cultural capital and habitus are expressed by acts of distinction: Bourdieu described the mechanisms behind these practices in this well-known quote: Taste classifies, and it classifies the classifier.
Social subjects, classified by their classifications, distinguish themselves by the distinctions they make, between the beautiful and the ugly, the distinguished and the vulgar, in which their position in the objective classifications is expressed or betrayed.
Generally, acts of distinction work by expressing taste in the less common, the less accessible and the more unusual. In cultural consumption, the main opposition, by overall capital value, is between the practices designated by their rarity as distinguished, those of the fractions richest in both economic and cultural capital, and the practices socially identified as vulgar because they are both easy and common, those of the fractions poorest in both these respects.
Research design and methods In a typology of Internet users, Meyen et al. Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 ally middle class according to their subjective understanding of class , between years old, and on their way to becoming highly educated.
The questionnaire was distributed to all student groups at the four departments, in their classrooms, between 3 September and 2 October On the one hand, the students were familiar with their environment and the people around them when filling in the questionnaire.
On the other hand, the surroundings of the university environment may have influenced them to exaggerate their preferences for legitimate culture when answering the questions.
As it is the relationships between the four student groups that are under observation, these possible effects equally affect all four groups.
The large difference in numbers between the students from different departments BA: These open-ended questions have made it impossible to conduct multiple correspondence analyses, a method which Bourdieu himself often used for this kind of analysis.
In this analysis, I use questions with fixed answer alternatives to map the broader cultural tastes of the students. This procedure also circumvents some of the shortcomings of quantitative methods, where respondents are forced to choose between alternatives that do not fit their individual habits or taste.
Van Deursen et al. In this case, the relational perspective diminishes this methodological weakness, as the core focus is the relationship between different practices and preferences measured in the same survey study.
Consequently, the results will follow an internal logic affecting all parts of the empirical material in the same way.
Students in general represent privileged groups in future society, although heading in different directions in the field of power c.
They are also similar in many other ways. Their parents are also relatively highly educated. Only ten per cent of them are immigrants, but many are secondgeneration immigrants.
They vary substantially, though, in terms of gender although, as discussed earlier, in accordance with the gender balance among the students at large at this university.
Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 ; Willekens, et al. Wildlife activities, local history and politics appear as general parental interests in the survey material.
Yet, there are greater differences when it comes to highbrow preferences, such as a taste for classical music, theatre and art films, an area in which the Phil and MCS students say their parents are more interested, compared with the claims made by the other students see Table 2 below.
The classic Bourdieusian concept of measuring books in metres in the family home during childhood also uncovers differences; the most common estimations among the students in the four groups are: The Phil students went to the theatre more often than the others, attending the more highbrow and publically financed theatres such as the National Drama Theatre 36 Stina Bengtsson Article: Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 Dramaten , Stockholm City Theatre, while the other students, to a greater extent, frequented private theatres to see musicals, farces, etc.
The cinema visits among the students showed some similarity, given all groups often attend the dominant cinema company, SF Bio, in inner city Stockholm.
However, there are considerable differences when it comes to other kinds of small-scale cinemas, such as alternative cinemas in Stockholm city,8 cinema visits in shopping malls outside the city,9 or the film club, Cinemateket.
The fiction reading habits and preferences of the students follow the same patterns. The Phil students read more than the rest, preferring genres such as classics, serious fiction and poetry while the remaining students, to a greater extent, prefer contemporary crime novels and adventure literature.
However, despite this, or even because of this, this type of culture has become even more distinctive. The student groups in this study do not represent the wide spectrum of students analysed in the Norwegian study, and their preferences and tastes do not represent student groups beyond the ones analysed here.
From the above, we can conclude that although these university students are homogenous when observed from a larger national population perspective, for example, there are differences between them when examined this closely.
For example, when it comes to social background, the parents of the 37 Stina Bengtsson Article: Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 Phil students and the MCS students have higher education than the others especially the mothers.
There is also a lower rate of students with immigrant backgrounds among them. In practice, the Phil students in particular, but also the MCS students, prefer traditional, high culture and alternative culture to a larger extent than the others,.
At the other end of the scale lie the BA students, who express a taste for more common and commercially organised popular culture. Their access to digital technology is very good; almost all of them own their own laptops12 and mobile phones,13 but few of them own tablets.
All of the students in the sample report as do most young Swedes , that they use the Internet a lot in their everyday lives.
Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 Table 5. Similarly, they claim more eagerly than the others that they use the Internet for work-related, rather than leisurerelated activities although the Pol students also put forward the work purposes of their Internet use.
In the table below, we see the same patterns revealed in more detail. Although the four groups are homogenous in their use patterns, the Phil students differ from the rest, as they emphasise information searching to a greater extent, and claim to use the Internet less for social and recreational uses e.
BA Phil MCS Pol Search for Communiinforma- cate with tion friends 86 52 93 41 82 59 89 47 Listen to Play games music 71 62 82 70 20 21 15 15 Watch TV 55 50 70 66 Other N sample 12 14 12 13 42 99 This section has mainly confirmed that the use patterns and preferences of the student groups within this study, reflect the use patterns of users rich in economic and in particular cultural capital, revealed in earlier research.
Genres of online content as acts of distinction To gain a deeper understanding of the mechanisms behind Internet use as acts of distinction, I also allowed the analysed students to freely express which web sites they visit in their everyday lives first, second and third alternatives.
These open questions provide a great 39 Stina Bengtsson Article: Digital distinctions MedieKultur 58 opportunity to map in a more detailed manner the differences in the diverse categories of Internet material that they use.
I have categorised the open answers regarding web sites, and then ranked the different categories for all four groups. Except for this, the same categories appear in the answers from all groups.
This means that categories that are not in the answers in table 7 from one department such as blogs or file sharing sites, e.
The Pirate Bay , also appear in the answers from the other groups of students, only ranked lower in the list.
From the table above, we can conclude that all of the students use the Internet for various services provided by the traditional media press, television, radio , and also searching for information and connecting with others via SNSs and email.
Another point that needs highlighting here, is the variation in ranking among the three most frequently mentioned categories, where the Phil students differ from the other groups in relation to their preferences..
Among the three other student groups, SNSs were mentioned most frequently, whereas the Phil students mentioned SNSs relatively less often.
Their first five categories of web sites also included television and email. MCS students mentioned blogs and music sites more frequently than the other groups, but mentioned 40 Stina Bengtsson Article: Ejerlejligheden har den fordel, at der ikke er meget vedligeholdelse forbundet med at eje den.
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I visse huse bruges meget plads til fordelergange, i andre huse er det meget beskedent, hvad der bruges af plads hertil. Opgaven med ligninger af 1.
Mickey Mouse Clubhouse Online. The program was originally part of the Playhouse Disney daily block intended for preschoolers.
On February 14, , it was moved to the Disney Junior block, serving as Playhouse Disney's replacement. It is the only Mickey Mouse program to be aimed at preschoolers.
The series was co-developed by Bobs Gannaway, who is also responsible for "Jake and the Never Land Pirates" Production of the show was put on a four-month suspension in the spring of , due to the death of voice artist Wayne Allwine, the longtime voice of Mickey Mouse.
Production has resumed now that Bret Iwan has been cast as Mickey's voice, the latest in a series of performers who have voiced Mickey since Mickey's original voice on film and later on television in most of his appearances from to was the character's creator, Walt Disney.
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